The origins of the cycle of violence theory can be traced back to the 1970s, one of the most influential studies being that of Lenore Walker, who developed the concept of the cycle of violence. This suggests that people who have been abused, particularly in childhood, are more likely to abuse themselves. This idea is often used to explain the prevalence of gender-based violence and why it can be difficult for people to break free from abuse in relationships. Walker\’s study found that abused women often experienced repeated escalating tension, explosive violence, and reconciliation (Walker, 1979). Other researchers have highlighted the role of patriarchy and gender inequality in perpetuating cycles of abuse. In many African societies, women and girls are marginalized and disempowered, leaving them vulnerable to abuse. This can lead to a cycle of abuse in which women who have experienced violence use violence to assert their power and control. However, recent research suggests that the cycle of abuse is not as simple as once thought.

One of the most prominent African scholars to address this issue is South African psychologist Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela. In her work, she argues that there is a strong link between experiencing trauma and becoming a perpetrator of violence (Gobodo-Madikizela, 2009). This is because trauma can result in a loss of empathy and an inability to recognize the impact of one\’s actions on others. She also notes that perpetrators of violence often have a history of being abused themselves, suggesting that a cycle of abuse needs to be broken. According to a 2019 meta-analysis, while there is a correlation between being abused and becoming an abuser, the relationship is not as strong as previously believed (Assink, 2019). Other studies have found that individuals who have been abused are no more likely to become abusers than those who have not experienced abuse (Kaufman & Zigler, 1987). These findings suggest that the cycle of violence may not be a reliable explanation for why gender-based violence occurs.

Since Walker\’s study, the cycle of violence theory has been widely accepted and applied to many types of abuse, including child and sexual violence. However, the concept has been criticized for being overly simplistic and ignoring the complex social, cultural, and psychological factors contributing to gender-based violence. For example, research has found that individuals exposed to violence in their communities or who have experienced other forms of trauma are more likely to become abusers than those who have not (Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008).

Despite criticism of the cycle of violence theory, it remains a popular explanation for why gender-based violence occurs. This can have negative consequences for victims of violence, who may feel stigmatized and responsible for their experiences. In addition, the theory of the cycle of violence can reinforce harmful gender stereotypes and perpetuate the notion that violence is inherent in particular communities or cultures. Similarly, Nigerian sociologist Jacob Olupona has studied the relationship between trauma and violence in African societies. He argues that the trauma of colonialism and slavery has contributed to a culture of violence in Africa, as traumatized people often seek to regain power and agency through violence. Olupona notes that traditional African cultures historically had mechanisms for conflict resolution and violence prevention, but these mechanisms have been weakened by colonialism and modernization (Olupona, 2004).

Preventing abuse requires a holistic approach considering the historical, cultural and structural factors contributing to violence. This means addressing issues such as gender inequality, trauma and the erosion of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms. It also means providing support and resources to abuse victims and addressing the root causes of violence. Whether victims of abuse become perpetrators themselves is a complex and differentiated question that needs to be carefully considered. Scholars have made significant contributions to this field, highlighting the role of trauma, patriarchy, and cultural factors in perpetuating cycles of violence. By taking a holistic approach to addressing abuse in African communities, we can work to break these cycles and create safer and more equal societies for all.

References

Assink, M., van der Put, C. E., Meeuwsen, M. W., de Jong, N. M., Oort, F. J., Stams, G. J. J., & Hoeve, M. (2019). Risk factors for child sexual abuse victimization: A meta-analytic review. Psychological bulletin, 145(5), 459.

Gobodo-Madikizela, P., & Van der Merwe, C. N. (Eds.). (2009). Memory, narrative and forgiveness: Perspectives on the unfinished journeys of the past. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Holt, S., Buckley, H., & Whelan, S. (2008). The impact of exposure to domestic violence on children and young people: A review of the literature. Child abuse & neglect, 32(8), 797–810.

Kaufman, J., & Zigler, E. (1987). Do abused children become abusive parents?. American journal of orthopsychiatry, 57(2), 186-192.

Olupona, J. K. (Ed.). (2004). Beyond primitivism: indigenous religious traditions and modernity. Psychology Press.

Walker, L. E. (1979). Battered women: A psychosociological study of domestic violence.

Reading about Coronavirus outbreak and watching the news made me worried that the crisis could put women at a disproportionate risk, exacerbating gender, social and economic fault lines.

Public health responders are facing a barrage of questions about the Coronavirus. Most are of a scientific and technical nature, crucial to containing the outbreak, such as how infectious is it? How long does it incubate in the body before you get sick? And can it be spread by people who have no symptoms? And many other questions related to prevention and response.

There are unanswered questions that also need to be addressed but are rarely asked. These questions should be considered in our analysis in order to take a gendered approach to fight the Coronavirus, improve outcomes for people affected by it, and save lives.

A gendered approach means including gender analysis and using a gender lens in both preparedness and response. The gender analysis will give us an overview of the outcomes of the outbreak at medical, social, and economic levels and also asks how socially-constructed roles and identities affect vulnerability to and experiences of the outbreak. The coronavirus response has the chance to integrate gender analysis immediately by asking questions such as:

1. Who is making the decisions about the outbreak response? It is probably mostly men, and these men likely represent the dominant social group within their countries and societies. The Global Health 50/50 Report from 2019 finds that 72 percent of executive heads in global health are men. Equity issues are only meaningfully integrated into emergency responses when women and marginalized groups are able to participate in decision-making.
2. Are those caring for the ill-being fairly compensated and supported? Globally, women are usually the main caretakers of children but also of the ills within the family. As responders, they might feel \’sandwiched\’ between personal and professional responsibilities.
3. How can stigma be countered? How will different groups of people, particularly marginalized communities, be affected by the stigma associated with the outbreak? It’s clear that stigma can spread more rapidly than the virus itself.
4. Are there specific groups, such as vulnerable minorities, that might avoid surveillance, testing, and care because of distrust of government and/or healthcare services? How can they be reached and protected?
5. Do men and women feel the effects of the Coronavirus differently? Is data being disaggregated by sex? Is there a difference in terms of infection and mortality rates? If so, what are the biological and social factors causing this?
6.  Who is caring for the ill both in formal healthcare settings and at home? Who provides the majority of home-based care, and who makes up the majority of the global health workforce?

These are types of catalyzing questions that need to be asked to embed a gendered approach in the strategy we are using to tackle the Coronavirus, to improve outcomes for people affected by the virus, and to save more lives. Experience from past outbreaks shows the importance of incorporating gender analysis into preparedness and response efforts to improve the effectiveness of health interventions and promote gender and health equity goals.

The coronavirus fallout may be worse for women than men. Here\’s why:

The roles that women have in society could place them squarely in the virus\’s path. Around the world, women make up a majority of health care workers, almost 70 per cent according to some estimates, and most of them occupy nursing roles — on the front lines of efforts to combat and contain outbreaks of disease. Nurses\’ level of exposure to the risk of infection is higher than doctors\’ because they are much more in contact with patients. They are the ones drawing blood and collecting specimens.

Women around the world are also more likely to take on the burden of care at home, particularly if someone in their family is sick and bears most of the responsibility of childcare. When schools are closed and sick people stay at home women are exposed to even higher risks of exposure to the Coronavirus. Pregnant women are faced with a whole different set of challenges — especially the stress of not knowing exactly how Coronavirus might affect their child.

Looking at the effects on the economy, outbreaks could have a disproportionately negative impact on women, who make up a large chunk of part-time and informal workers around the world. These are the kind of jobs that are usually the first to get sliced in periods of economic uncertainty. During a crisis, such an outbreak, women are the ones expected to sacrifice their jobs and careers to stay home and care for the rest of the family, but when the crisis ends, it’s very hard for women to get back what they have been obliged to give up.

The Covid-19 epidemic poses a once-in-lifetime challenge that is already causing widespread panic and economic paralysis. While the epidemic appears to be spiralling out of control now, it is clear that gender considerations should not be neglected if we want to address crises fairly and effectively, and the Coronavirus outbreak is no exception. Governments and leaders must remember that, for their response to be truly effective and not reproduce or perpetuate gender inequities, it is important that gender norms, roles, and all other factors that influence women\’s and men\’s vulnerability to infections and access to treatment in a different way, are studied, analyzed and properly addressed in the implementation of national plans executed across the globe to fight this #COVID19 #coronavirus epidemic.  

The South Sudanese people have been living under armed conflict almost continuously since the 1950s. Over 2.5 million lives have been lost and the livelihoods of tens of millions of people have been affected (MOHDAM, 2010) over two intense periods of armed conflict.

The civil war between the government of the Republic of Sudan and the Sudanese People‘s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) lasted from 1983 to 2005. The root causes of the North-South conflict included control over resources and, from the perspective of the SPLA/M, this was a war for political autonomy, self-determination and secularism. The conflict intensified after the discovery of oil in the South in the 1980s. Political negotiations in the early 2000s led to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 and ultimately to the referendum for the independence of South Sudan.

Unfortunately, peace did not last long. In December 2013, South Sudan was already at the centre of renewed violence as civil war broke out following the split in the SPLA/M government as President Salva Kiir dismissed the vice president Riek Machar, accused of organizing a coup against Mr Kiir’s government. The split reflected and the ethnic divisions between the main ethnic groups of the Dinka and Nuer, with the former supporting President Salva Kiir, and the second supporting ex-Vice President Riak Machar.  The conflict continued with heavy casualties until 2015 when a temporary peace treaty was signed. However, both sides accused each other of violating the terms of the peace treaty and in July 2016, fighting broke out again in Juba, plunging the country back into conflict.

In 2018 a Peace agreement was facilitated by IGAD and signed by the warring parties and is currently under implementation, although not without many challenges.  

Gender relations in South Sudan are complex. The roles and responsibilities of women, men, boys and girls are clearly delineated but can and do alter.

Women and girls have responsibilities for farming, collecting water and firewood, cooking, cleaning, childcare, and brewing beer. Men and boys have responsibilities as decision-makers for the communities and their families, cattle herding (boys in particular), hunting, fishing and charcoal making. In times of crisis, gender roles and responsibilities change to take account of the context, the needs and the different coping strategies families and individuals can put into action. The conflict temporarily transformed some gender roles. Women managed to keep a semblance of community life as they went about taking care of their children and doing most of the work done by men, most of whom had gone off to war. Gender relations have been shaped by the social and economic realities resulting from the prolonged period of warfare and lack of governance, which made South Sudan one of the world’s least developed countries. South Sudan has the highest rate of maternal mortality in the world: one in seven women will die from childbirth or pregnancy (2,054 per 100,000). Infant mortality rates are also extremely high with 75 children per 1000 dying before their first birthday.

Women account for over 60% of the population in South Sudan. Rather than been the product of nature, this is the direct result of over 39 years of conflict, which have not only deprived women of their husbands and sons but also contributed to the creation of a disturbing and conventional post-war society coupled with discriminatory cultural traditions and abject poverty, undermining the promotion of equal rights and the ability for women to actively participate in the development of their new nation. Prevailing cultural norms, especially in the countryside, marginalize women from participation at any level of political activity or decision-making. Early marriages are very common, and husband paying a price for their bride to her family – usually in the form of cattle – is the norm. Polygamy is also very common with 41% of unions involving more than one wife. Divorce is extremely difficult for women to obtain. Traditionally only men can divorce their wife and the wife’s family have to pay back the price paid for the bride. Gender-based violence and protection violations in South Sudan are driven by a culture of silence and stigma, traditional norms and beliefs which support or accept gender power imbalances and inequalities, lack access to legal resources and justice system, and customary practices that favour compensation for crimes like rape. Domestic violence is also widely accepted by both women and men in South Sudan and there is no specific domestic violence law in the country.

However, since independence, there have been real changes at least in national policy and laws which go in the right direction for promoting gender equality. The Transitional Constitution and Bill of Rights (2011) provides guarantees for the equality of men and women. It recognizes the historic inequalities between women and men in South Sudan and sets out a 25% Affirmative Action quota for women in legislative and executive bodies. Women currently comprise 26.5% of the National Legislative Assembly. Women in South Sudan have engaged in peace negotiating teams and a significant number of women participated in drafting the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005). Furthermore, women’s organizations and movements have emerged gradually over the years, even though they are still in their initial stages and very few women’s organizations exist. Nevertheless, the return of many qualified women to South Sudan after independence gives hope that these organizations and their work will keep growing in the future. The importance of women’s role in the political, economic, cultural development and national building process cannot be underestimated.

Despite the government’s commitment to gender equality, women played a very small role in the development of the transitional constitution. A strategic and sustained approach needs to be developed with the government and civil society organizations to translate the commitment of the government from rhetoric to reality.

Gender and protection concerns for women, men, boys and girls are a crucial issue in South Sudan and further steps need to be taken to address these problems and mitigate the harm they cause. Therefore, it’s essential to understand better how gender relations do affect the needs and coping strategies of the population, as well as participation and access to humanitarian assistance.

To address the needs of survivors of gender-based violence, international and local NGOs are implementing GBV prevention and response programs based on a survivor-centred approach, which establishes safe spaces where women and girls can access help, and community-based GBV taskforces are trained to provide psychological first aid and safe referrals to services. Through safe spaces, NGOs also support livelihoods activities to reduce women’s economic vulnerability, including helping women to organize and run village savings and loans associations. Sensitization and training of community leaders are conducted to combat harmful practices and strengthen support for survivors, and wider community awareness is promoted to encourage long-lasting behavioural change in society, through various activities and events. For example, every year, from 25 November to 10 December, NGOs organize outreach campaigns in different locations as part of the global event of “16 Days of Activism to end Gender-Based Violence”.

Recognizing the differential impact that the protracted crisis and all of its consequences – open conflict, siege, and displacement, etc. – has had on women, men, girls, and boys of different ages, backgrounds and abilities, NGOs prioritize gender-sensitivity at the core of their response efforts and emphasize the need to raise women’s voices and enable their meaningful participation in decision-making within their households, communities, civil society, and the broader humanitarian response. Organizations have worked with men and boys as allies for gender equality. This work has often been integrated into women’s empowerment activities, particularly in relation to women’s economic empowerment, the fight against HIV and AIDS and violence against women and girls.

Ultimately, partners stress the necessity for collaboration between the international community and regional actors for prevention of violence against women and girls in South Sudan. However, the real transformation takes place only with the consultation, participation, and expertise of women, and by addressing gender equality at every level.

The South Sudanese people have been living under armed conflict almost continuously since the 1950s. Over 2.5 million lives have been lost and the livelihoods of tens of millions of people have been affected (MOHDAM, 2010) over two intense periods of armed conflict.

The civil war between the government of the Republic of Sudan and the Sudanese People‘s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) lasted from 1983 to 2005. The root causes of the North-South conflict included control over resources and, from the perspective of the SPLA/M, this was a war for political autonomy, self-determination and secularism. The conflict intensified after the discovery of oil in the South in the 1980s. Political negotiations in the early 2000s led to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 and ultimately to the referendum for the independence of South Sudan.

Unfortunately, peace did not last long. In December 2013, South Sudan was already at the centre of renewed violence as civil war broke out following the split in the SPLA/M government as President Salva Kiir dismissed the vice president Riek Machar, accused of organizing a coup against Mr Kiir’s government. The split reflected and the ethnic divisions between the main ethnic groups of the Dinka and Nuer, with the former supporting President Salva Kiir, and the second supporting ex-Vice President Riak Machar.  The conflict continued with heavy casualties until 2015 when a temporary peace treaty was signed. However, both sides accused each other of violating the terms of the peace treaty and in July 2016, fighting broke out again in Juba, plunging the country back into conflict.

In 2018 a Peace agreement was facilitated by IGAD and signed by the warring parties and is currently under implementation, although not without many challenges.  

Gender relations in South Sudan are complex. The roles and responsibilities of women, men, boys and girls are clearly delineated but can and do alter.

Women and girls have responsibilities for farming, collecting water and firewood, cooking, cleaning, childcare, and brewing beer. Men and boys have responsibilities as decision-makers for the communities and their families, cattle herding (boys in particular), hunting, fishing and charcoal making. In times of crisis, gender roles and responsibilities change to take account of the context, the needs and the different coping strategies families and individuals can put into action. The conflict temporarily transformed some gender roles. Women managed to keep a semblance of community life as they went about taking care of their children and doing most of the work done by men, most of whom had gone off to war. Gender relations have been shaped by the social and economic realities resulting from the prolonged period of warfare and lack of governance, which made South Sudan one of the world’s least developed countries. South Sudan has the highest rate of maternal mortality in the world: one in seven women will die from childbirth or pregnancy (2,054 per 100,000). Infant mortality rates are also extremely high with 75 children per 1000 dying before their first birthday.

Women account for over 60% of the population in South Sudan. Rather than been the product of nature, this is the direct result of over 39 years of conflict, which have not only deprived women of their husbands and sons but also contributed to the creation of a disturbing and conventional post-war society coupled with discriminatory cultural traditions and abject poverty, undermining the promotion of equal rights and the ability for women to actively participate in the development of their new nation. Prevailing cultural norms, especially in the countryside, marginalize women from participation at any level of political activity or decision-making. Early marriages are very common, and husband paying a price for their bride to her family – usually in the form of cattle – is the norm. Polygamy is also very common with 41% of unions involving more than one wife. Divorce is extremely difficult for women to obtain. Traditionally only men can divorce their wife and the wife’s family have to pay back the price paid for the bride. Gender-based violence and protection violations in South Sudan are driven by a culture of silence and stigma, traditional norms and beliefs which support or accept gender power imbalances and inequalities, lack access to legal resources and justice system, and customary practices that favour compensation for crimes like rape. Domestic violence is also widely accepted by both women and men in South Sudan and there is no specific domestic violence law in the country.

However, since independence, there have been real changes at least in national policy and laws which go in the right direction for promoting gender equality. The Transitional Constitution and Bill of Rights (2011) provides guarantees for the equality of men and women. It recognizes the historic inequalities between women and men in South Sudan and sets out a 25% Affirmative Action quota for women in legislative and executive bodies. Women currently comprise 26.5% of the National Legislative Assembly. Women in South Sudan have engaged in peace negotiating teams and a significant number of women participated in drafting the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005). Furthermore, women’s organizations and movements have emerged gradually over the years, even though they are still in their initial stages and very few women’s organizations exist. Nevertheless, the return of many qualified women to South Sudan after independence gives hope that these organizations and their work will keep growing in the future. The importance of women’s role in the political, economic, cultural development and national building process cannot be underestimated.

Despite the government’s commitment to gender equality, women played a very small role in the development of the transitional constitution. A strategic and sustained approach needs to be developed with the government and civil society organizations to translate the commitment of the government from rhetoric to reality.

Gender and protection concerns for women, men, boys and girls are a crucial issue in South Sudan and further steps need to be taken to address these problems and mitigate the harm they cause. Therefore, it’s essential to understand better how gender relations do affect the needs and coping strategies of the population, as well as participation and access to humanitarian assistance.

To address the needs of survivors of gender-based violence, international and local NGOs are implementing GBV prevention and response programs based on a survivor-centred approach, which establishes safe spaces where women and girls can access help, and community-based GBV taskforces are trained to provide psychological first aid and safe referrals to services. Through safe spaces, NGOs also support livelihoods activities to reduce women’s economic vulnerability, including helping women to organize and run village savings and loans associations. Sensitization and training of community leaders are conducted to combat harmful practices and strengthen support for survivors, and wider community awareness is promoted to encourage long-lasting behavioural change in society, through various activities and events. For example, every year, from 25 November to 10 December, NGOs organize outreach campaigns in different locations as part of the global event of “16 Days of Activism to end Gender-Based Violence”.

Recognizing the differential impact that the protracted crisis and all of its consequences – open conflict, siege, and displacement, etc. – has had on women, men, girls, and boys of different ages, backgrounds and abilities, NGOs prioritize gender-sensitivity at the core of their response efforts and emphasize the need to raise women’s voices and enable their meaningful participation in decision-making within their households, communities, civil society, and the broader humanitarian response. Organizations have worked with men and boys as allies for gender equality. This work has often been integrated into women’s empowerment activities, particularly in relation to women’s economic empowerment, the fight against HIV and AIDS and violence against women and girls.

Ultimately, partners stress the necessity for collaboration between the international community and regional actors for prevention of violence against women and girls in South Sudan. However, the real transformation takes place only with the consultation, participation, and expertise of women, and by addressing gender equality at every level.

The end of Maureen’s days at a primary school in north-eastern Zimbabwe marked the beginning of her life as a wife.

At 13, the brightest student in her class in Mudzi, Mashonaland, she was married to a man three times her age.

Her father, a poor farmer, had promised to fund Maureen’s secondary education but, when the time came, he could not raise the money. Marrying off his daughter was a quick fix. Maureen swiftly fell pregnant and was still 13 when she gave birth after spending hours in labour. The baby did not survive.

Three years on and Maureen is at Chinhoyi provincial hospital. She is among the scores of underage brides being cared for here who are suffering from obstetric fistula, caused by prolonged labour.

“I haven’t forgiven my parents for doing this to me. I had a bright future but now they treat me like an outcast,” says Maureen.

“When my parents told me about the marriage I couldn’t believe it, because they had always given me the impression that I was their most intelligent child and I would pursue my studies. The man was abusive, he called me names and beat me several times, especially after I lost my baby,” she says. “My dreams were destroyed by that man.”

Child marriage in Zimbabwe is often driven by poverty. Dowries offer a welcome, if brief, a respite from penury in poor households struggling to weather a vicious economic crisis. The brides, though, are more likely to remain in a state of privation due to lack of personal development and education.

Although underage marriage is illegal and local organisations have been fighting against it as an economic transaction, the financial meltdown has worsened the situation. About one in every three girls in Zimbabwe is married before the age of 18, the legal age of consent.

According to campaign organisation Girls Not Brides, families see little worth in girls.

“In many communities, economic opportunities are severely limited, especially for girls and women. Families, therefore, see little value in educating their daughters and instead marry them off to fulfil the role of a wife and mother,” says a Girls Not Brides spokesperson.

Zimbabwe is facing an acute shortage of cash and, as basic commodities disappear from the shelves, families’ disposable income has been depleted.

Rights defenders say child marriage, outlawed by the Zimbabwean constitutional court in 2016, has spiralled in the rural areas that constitute 75% of the country.

Kresi, 16, from Masvingo, is another teenager whose future was jeopardised when she was married off to a cattle farmer in her village. Her family received a dowry of two cows and a few groceries in exchange for Kresi. She also suffers from obstetric fistula, a hole between the genital tract and bladder or rectum caused by lengthy or obstructed labour.

Women and girls who experience obstetric fistula suffer constant incontinence, shame, social segregation and further health problems. It is estimated that more than 2 million young women in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa live with the condition untreated.

“I felt cheap and abused. My mates are in high school doing well for themselves. [My family] had no business selling me off. Now I have this condition which I cannot control. No one has even come to see me in this hospital,” Kresi says, sobbing.

Tendai, 14, of Bindura says her family gave her away in exchange for 100 Zimbabwean dollars (22p).

She was married to a man with three wives. As the youngest wife, Tendai is burdened with both child-bearing and work in the fields.

“I still want to go back to school. I just hope my husband can give me that chance. But as the youngest wife I have to do everything here at home,” Tendai says.

She is bitter over her parent’s decision to marry her off.

With a drought looming and disposable incomes depleted from galloping inflation, poor families are more likely to exchange their daughter for very little.

“In areas like Binga, Matabeleland, the dowry can be a goat, which is an insult to the value of the girl. In some instances families just leave their child at the man’s house to lessen their own burden,” says Grace Maunganidze, a local activist.

Another activist, Abigail Mutema, blames child marriages on the stronghold of a patriarchal society.

“Until women are emancipated, child marriages will never end. In some of the communities, girls as young as 16 are deemed too old, so they need to get married. There is nothing to do in rural areas, so the easier route is to get married. Poverty plays a role in these child marriages,” says Mutema.Advertisement

“Older women have become perpetrators of these early child marriages. A woman is not complete without marriage, they say.”

Source: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/jan/04/poverty-drives-trade-child-brides-zimbabwe